{"id":4487,"date":"2025-01-25T11:04:43","date_gmt":"2025-01-25T11:04:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/?p=4487"},"modified":"2025-01-25T11:04:46","modified_gmt":"2025-01-25T11:04:46","slug":"the-political-landscape-of-bengal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/","title":{"rendered":"The Political Landscape of Bengal"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>Number of words: 432<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the final analysis, it was more the fact rather than any prospects of a partitioning of Bengal that crystallised Muslim opinion against an anti-Partition agitation launched by the Hindus. This was largely a consequence of a stir amongst Hindus of rural Bengal, who opposed Partition, consistently, both before and after it had occurred; their appeal being based largely on popular Hindu religious sentiment. In historical terms, this division of Bengal and then a joining of the separated East Bengal with Assam, planted yet another poisonous seed which continues to bedevil the entire region till this day: of unchecked, illegal immigration in Assam, and of this destructive Muslim electorate politics of the region. For the Muslims of Bengal, adjoining areas of Assam and its rich, fertile lands were (are) a continuous temptation, a natural hinterland for their ballooning numbers to expand into; first to encroach upon, as almost by right and then to usurp. Political activism, separate identities, assertive claims of political equality with Hindus, (by Muslims) all had by now arrived, and all this within a half century of 1857. Then again, in less than fifty years from this reawakened Muslim and Hindu political activism, that is, from the beginning to mid-twentieth century, the logic of a sponsored and an unreal Hindu\u2013Muslim political equalism led inevitably to the separation of the two. As you sow so shall you reap, we are told, trite no doubt to repeat this over-used axiom, but here it is nevertheless very apt, for having sown the seeds of separation, what started limitedly as separate electorates kept growing and spreading until it fi nally became a demand for a separate nation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Let us pause in that fateful year of 1905. Once this new, Eastern Bengal, a Muslim majority province had got established, leading Muslims then began to see clearly its many advantages, and with this vision new self-interests took birth. That is why any Hindu led, anti-Partition agitation appeared (to the Muslims) as an interference in what they considered by then as already \u2018theirs\u2019, a rightful due, their own Muslim province. Limited issues like Minto\u2019s acceptance of Fuller\u2019s resignation 56 in August 1906, over the Government of India\u2019s refusal to support reprisals against school agitators in Serajganj 57 came across as a victory for the Hindu agitators just when Muslims in this Muslim majority province were basking in the then unfamiliar sun of official favour. This eventually brought the Muslims of East Bengal politically nearer to their co- religionists in North India, again totally unexpectedly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Excerpted from Page 44-45 of &#8216;Jinnah: India-Partition Independence&#8217; by Jaswant Singh<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Number of words: 432 In the final analysis, it was more the fact rather than any prospects of a partitioning of Bengal that crystallised Muslim opinion against an anti-Partition agitation launched by the Hindus. This was largely a consequence of a stir amongst Hindus of rural Bengal, who opposed Partition, consistently, both before and after &#8230; <a title=\"The Political Landscape of Bengal\" class=\"read-more\" href=\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/\" aria-label=\"More on The Political Landscape of Bengal\">Read more<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_eb_attr":"","_uag_custom_page_level_css":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[78,9],"tags":[],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v21.5 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>The Political Landscape of Bengal - BullsEye<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Political Landscape of Bengal - BullsEye\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Number of words: 432 In the final analysis, it was more the fact rather than any prospects of a partitioning of Bengal that crystallised Muslim opinion against an anti-Partition agitation launched by the Hindus. This was largely a consequence of a stir amongst Hindus of rural Bengal, who opposed Partition, consistently, both before and after ... Read more\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"BullsEye\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2025-01-25T11:04:43+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-01-25T11:04:46+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Bhavya Chowdhury\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Bhavya Chowdhury\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"2 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/\",\"name\":\"The Political Landscape of Bengal - BullsEye\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2025-01-25T11:04:43+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2025-01-25T11:04:46+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#\/schema\/person\/992754c8575e3584d4c0dbcab059dd23\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"The Political Landscape of Bengal\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/\",\"name\":\"BullsEye\",\"description\":\"\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":\"required name=search_term_string\"}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#\/schema\/person\/992754c8575e3584d4c0dbcab059dd23\",\"name\":\"Bhavya Chowdhury\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/96cc080647ada77871a0fe51c103b135?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/96cc080647ada77871a0fe51c103b135?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"Bhavya Chowdhury\"},\"url\":\"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/author\/bhavya-chowdhury\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"The Political Landscape of Bengal - BullsEye","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"The Political Landscape of Bengal - BullsEye","og_description":"Number of words: 432 In the final analysis, it was more the fact rather than any prospects of a partitioning of Bengal that crystallised Muslim opinion against an anti-Partition agitation launched by the Hindus. This was largely a consequence of a stir amongst Hindus of rural Bengal, who opposed Partition, consistently, both before and after ... Read more","og_url":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/","og_site_name":"BullsEye","article_published_time":"2025-01-25T11:04:43+00:00","article_modified_time":"2025-01-25T11:04:46+00:00","author":"Bhavya Chowdhury","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Bhavya Chowdhury","Est. reading time":"2 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/","url":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/","name":"The Political Landscape of Bengal - BullsEye","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#website"},"datePublished":"2025-01-25T11:04:43+00:00","dateModified":"2025-01-25T11:04:46+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#\/schema\/person\/992754c8575e3584d4c0dbcab059dd23"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/"]}]},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/social-sciences\/the-political-landscape-of-bengal\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"The Political Landscape of Bengal"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#website","url":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/","name":"BullsEye","description":"","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":"required name=search_term_string"}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#\/schema\/person\/992754c8575e3584d4c0dbcab059dd23","name":"Bhavya Chowdhury","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/96cc080647ada77871a0fe51c103b135?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/96cc080647ada77871a0fe51c103b135?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"Bhavya Chowdhury"},"url":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/author\/bhavya-chowdhury\/"}]}},"uagb_featured_image_src":{"full":false,"thumbnail":false,"medium":false,"medium_large":false,"large":false,"1536x1536":false,"2048x2048":false},"uagb_author_info":{"display_name":"Bhavya Chowdhury","author_link":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/author\/bhavya-chowdhury\/"},"uagb_comment_info":1,"uagb_excerpt":"Number of words: 432 In the final analysis, it was more the fact rather than any prospects of a partitioning of Bengal that crystallised Muslim opinion against an anti-Partition agitation launched by the Hindus. This was largely a consequence of a stir amongst Hindus of rural Bengal, who opposed Partition, consistently, both before and after&hellip;","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4487"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4487"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4487\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4488,"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4487\/revisions\/4488"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4487"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4487"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/bullseye.ac\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4487"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}